Thursday, September 6, 2018


“Justice without law is lame, law without justice is blind”

Independent judiciary is  sine qua non of a vibrant democratic system –

Structure:

1. Learning outcome

 2. Introduction

 3. Historical Aspect

 4. Meaning of judicial independence

 5. Components

 6. Constitutional Provisions

 7. Transfer of Judges

 8. Collegium System

 9. NJAC

10. Judicial Accountability

11. Conclusion

Abstract-

 An independent judiciary is sine qua non of a vibrant democratic system. Only an impartial and independent judiciary can stand as a bulwark for the protection of the rights of the individuals and met out even handed justice without fear or favour. The judiciary is the protector of the constitution and, as such, it may have to strike down executive, administrative and legislative acts of the centre and the states. For Rule of law to prevail, judicial independence is of prime necessity. The independence of the judiciary is normally assures through the Constitution but it may also be assured through legislations, conventions and other suitable norms and practices. The constitutions or the foundational laws on judiciary are however, only the starting point in the process of securing judicial independence. Ultimately the independence of the judiciary depends on the totality of a favorable environment created and backed by all state organs including the judiciary and the public opinion. The independence of judiciary also needs to be constantly guarded against the unexpected events and the changing social, political, economic conditions; it is too fragile to be left unguarded. In India, the question of independence of the judiciary has been a subject of heated national debate over the last many years. It has exercised the minds of legislators, jurists, politicians and the laymen. Both the supporters and the opponents have cogent arguments in support of their views. This question assumes great importance whenever the Supreme Court holds a particular Act or particular Clause of an Act passed by Parliament ultra virus of the Constitution.

Learning Outcome:

After going through this lesson on Independence of Judiciary, we shall be able to learn that:

 Judges have the ultimate responsibility for decisions regarding freedoms, rights and duties of natural and legal persons within their jurisdiction.

 The independence of each individual judge safeguards every person’s right to have their case decided solely on the basis of the law, the evidence and facts, without any improper influence. 

A well-functioning, efficient and independent judiciary is an essential requirement for a fair, consistent and neutral administration of justice. 

Consequently, judicial independence is an indispensable element of the right to due process, the rule of law and democracy.

INTRODUCTION An independent judiciary is necessary for a free society and a constitutional democracy. It ensures the rule of law and realization of human rights and also the prosperity and stability of a society. The independence of the judiciary is normally assured through the constitution but it may also be assured through legislation, conventions, and other suitable norms and practices. Following the Constitution of the United States, almost all constitutions lay down at least the foundations, if not the entire edifices, of an independent judiciary.

The constitutions or the foundational laws on judiciary are, however, only the starting point in the process of securing judicial independence. Ultimately the independence of the judiciary depends on the totality of a favorable environment created and backed by all state organs, including the judiciary and the public opinion. The independence of the judiciary also needs to be constantly guarded against the unexpected events and changing social, political, and economic conditions; it is too fragile to be left unguarded. India has given to itself a liberal constitution in the Euro-American traditions which aims at establishing a free and democratic society. It also aims at the prosperity and stability of the society. Its makers believed that such a society could be created through the guarantee of fundamental rights and an independent Judiciary to guard and enforce those rights. Therefore, the framers of India's Constitution dealt with these two aspects with maximum and identical idealism.

Independence of the judiciary means that the judiciary as an organ of the government should be free from influence and control of the other two organs i.e. the executive and the legislature, of the government. Freedom from the influence and control of the executive is of crucial importance. Every democratic country adopts various means to ensure freedom of the judiciary and thereby to ensure individual freedom. The Constitution of India has provided for an independent and impartial judiciary in India as it can only protect the rights of the individual and provide equal justice to all without fear or favour. The U.S.A. with Presidential  Supremacy has adopted system of separation of powers to ensure independence of the judiciarY. President-Executive, Congress-Legislation, Federal Court - Judiciary. But in constitutional systems based on the concept of Parliamentary sovereignty as in British, the adoption of separation of powers was not in place upto 1701 AD and the Judiciary was subordinate to the Crown. This is also partly the case in India, where  the doctrines of Parliamentary and Constitutional sovereignty are blended together.

Historical background: The concept of independence of Judiciary took time to flourish in England. Earlier the Judges used to hold the position during the Crown’s pleasure and like any other servant he could be dismissed by the King at will. Thus the Judges were subordinate to the Executive. This subordination naturally led the Judges favour the royal prerogative. The judicial independence was secured by the Act of Settlement, 1701. This statute formally recognised the principles of security of judicial tenure by establishing that High Court Judges and Lords Justice of Appeal hold office during good behavior. Appropriate and formal mechanisms had to be in place before a judge could be removed. Since the Act of Settlement it has only been possible to remove a senior judge from office through an Address to the Queen was agreed by both Houses of Parliament.

The first political philosopher, who propounded the idea of an independent judiciary, was Montesquieu, the famous French philosopher. He believed in the theory of separation of powers of the three branches of the Government- Legislature, Executive and Judiciary. The fathers of the American Constitution were very impressed by his theory. They, therefore, established an independent judiciary in their country. The American people have great faith in the independence of the judiciary. They are convinced that if any fetters are placed on the independence of judiciary, the rights and liberties of the people might be endangered. In U.K., however, the Parliament is supreme following the doctrine of Supremacy of Parliament and the Crown in parliamentary affairs is immune. Thus the  judiciary, is  not separated from the legislature. In fact, there the House of Lords acts as the highest Court of appeal (Uptil now there is no supreme Court in UK and the doctrine of Pith and Substance  in operation of judicial system is in right shape ), therefore the independent Judiciary or the requirement of apex court like Supreme Court is not that required . Though in U.K., the judiciary has not been independent or supreme, yet its judges have been giving decisions without fear or\ favour on matters coming up before them. They have been independent and impartial in their judgments. The U.K. does not have a written Constitution but still its people enjoy no less liberty than the Americans. In the U.K. no major clash between the Parliament and the judiciary has occurred so far. The concept of independence of judiciary took time to grow in England. Before 1701 judges held their office during the pleasure of crown and like any other crown servant he could be dismissed by the king at will. The judges view thus subservient to the Executive. This subservience naturally led the judges to favour the royal prerogative.

NEED FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY

 The basic need for the independence of the judiciary rests upon the following points:

1. To check the functioning of the organs: Judiciary acts as a watchdog by ensuring that all the organs of the state function within their respective areas and according to the provisions of the constitution. Judiciary acts as a guardian of the constitution and also aids in securing the doctrine of separation of powers.

2. Interpreting the provisions of the constitution: It was well known to the framers of the constitution that in future the ambiguity will arise with the provisions of the constitution so they ensured that the judiciary must be independent and self-competent to interpret the provision of the constitution in such a way to clear the ambiguity but such an interpretation must be unbiased i.e. free from any pressure from any organs like executive. If the judiciary is not independent and competent , the other organs may pressurize the judiciary to interpret the provision of the constitution according to them. Judiciary is given the job to interpret the constitution according to the constitutional philosophy and the constitutional norms.

3. Disputes referred to the judiciary: It is expected of the Judiciary to deliver judicial justice and not partial or committed justice. By committed justice we mean to say, when a judge emphasizes on a particular aspect while giving justice and not considering all the aspects involved in a particular situation. Similarly judiciary must act in an unbiased manner. The framers of the Indian Constitution at the time of framing of our constitution were concerned about the kind of judiciary our country should have.

This concern of the members of the constituent assembly was responded by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in the following words:

“There can be no difference of opinion in the House that our judiciary must be both independent of the executive and must also be competent in itself. And the question is how these two objects can be secured”.

The question that arises at first instance in our minds is that what made the framers of our Constitution to be so much concerned about providing the separate entity to the judiciary and making itself competent. The answer to this question lies in the very basic understanding that so as to secure the stability and prosperity of the society, the framers at that time understood that such a society could be created only by guaranteeing the fundamental rights and the independence of the judiciary to guard and enforce those fundamental rights. Also in a country like India, the independence of the judiciary is of utmost importance in upholding the pillars of the democratic system hence ensuring a free society. It is a well-known fact that the independence of the judiciary is the basic requisite for ensuring a free and fair society under the rule of law. Rule of law that is responsible for good governance of the country can be secured through unbiased judiciary. The doctrine of Separation of Powers which was brought into existence to draw upon the boundaries for the functioning of all the three organs of the state: Legislature, Executive and the Judiciary, provides for a responsibility to the judiciary to act as a watchdog and to check whether the executive and the legislature are functioning within their limits under the Constitution and not interfering in each other’s functioning. This task given to the judiciary to supervise the doctrine of separation of powers cannot be carried on in true spirit if the judiciary is not independent in itself. An independent judiciary supports the base of doctrine of separation of powers to a large extent. It is theoretically very easy to talk about the independence of the judiciary as for which the provisions are provided for in our Constitution, but these provisions introduced by the framers of our Constitution can only initiate towards the independence of the judiciary. The major task lies in creating a favorable environment for the functioning of the judiciary in which all the other state organs functions in cooperation so that the independence of the judiciary can be achieved practically. The independence of the judiciary has also to be guarded against the changing economic, political and social scenario. Whenever there is a talk regarding the independence of the judiciary, there is also a talk of the restrictions that must be imposed on the judiciary as an institution and on the individual judges that forms a part of the judiciary. In order to ensure smooth functioning of the system there must be a right blend of the two.

JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE—MEANING

The meaning of the independence of the judiciary is still not clear after years of its existence. Our Constitution by the way of the provisions just talks of the independence of the judiciary but it is no where defined what actually is the Independence of the judiciary. The primary talk on the independence of the judiciary is based on the doctrine of separation of powers which holds its Existence from several years. The doctrine of separation of powers talks of the independence of the judiciary as an institution from the executive and the legislature.

The principle of independence of the judiciary has been laid down in various human rights instruments, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights The other meaning of the judicial independence can be found out by looking at the writings of the scholars who have researched on the topic. Scholars have followed the “constituent mechanism” (i.e. what constitutes the judiciary) to define the independence of the judiciary. Scholars try to define judiciary by talking about the independence of the judges which constitutes judiciary. Therefore the independence of the judiciary is the independence of the exercise of the functions by the judges in an unbiased manner i.e. free from any external factor. So the independence of the judiciary can be understood as the independence of the institution of the judiciary and also the independence of the judges which forms a part of the judiciary.



Simply stated independence of judiciary means that



·       The other organs of the government like the executive and legislature must not restrain the functioning of the judiciary in such a way that it is unable to do justice.

·       The other organs of the government should not interfere with the decision of the judiciary.

·       Judges must be able to perform their functions without fear or favour. Independence of the judiciary does not imply arbitrariness or absence of accountability. Judiciary is a part of the democratic political structure of the country. It is therefore accountable to the Constitution, to the democratic traditions and to the people of the country.



Judicial Independence and the Constitution-Making



The Superior Courts like the other branches of the government belong to the Indian people; they are the repository of the confidence of the Indian people.



"An independent judiciary need not be a mysterious area of government or appear to be an occult priesthood or remain a remote, austere marble temple housing...seldom seen jurists who periodically issue pronouncements on the law of the land ".



In the backdrop of this, Sardar Vallabhbai Patel while explaining the manner of appointing the superior judges a multo fortiori stated "the judiciary should be above suspicion and should be above party influence ". So that none may have the complaint to say that "higher courts are right because they are superior, not superior because they are right ".The subject of the independence of the judiciary was close to the minds of the members of the Constituent Assembly inasmuch as the issues of the powers of the superior courts and the judicial review. They further believed that the independence of the superior courts was essential in free India with a federal Constitution and it should not be endangered. In answer to a question concerning the independence of the superior courts, they expressed that the judiciary must be above reproach, free from coercion external as well as internal, and free from political influences "if the beacon of the judiciary was to remain bright.



"The framers of the Constitution made it known in an emphatic voice that separation of judiciary from Executive, which is the life line of 'independent judiciary [18], is a basic feature of the Constitution.



Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in his speech in the Constituent Assembly on June 7, 1949 observed as under: "I do not think there is any dispute that there should be separation between the executive and the judiciary and in fact all the articles relating to the High Court as well as the Supreme Court have prominently kept that object in mind."

The need for independence of the judiciary under any system of Constitutional Government can best he explained in the words of JUSTICE FRANKFURTER in Cooper v. Aaron "The most prized liberties themselves presuppose an independent judiciary through which these liberties may he, as they often have been, vindicated. When in a real controversy such as is now here, an appeal is made to law, the issue must be loll to the judgment of courts and not the personal judgment of one of the parties. This principle is a postulate of our democracy”

In India, even though appointed by the Government, Judges of the Supreme Court or of the High Courts are not 'government servants' in the ordinary signification of that expression because the following features distinguish these Judges from other government servants:

i) Government has no power to direct what work or the manner in which a Judge shall discharge his judicial duties

ii) Their tenure of service, salary and other conditions of service are guaranteed by the Constitution



COMPONENTS


The components of the independence of the judiciary as talked of here refers to some of the requisite terms and conditions which are so necessary that if they are absent, the independence of the judiciary also cannot exist. It is very difficult to lay down certain set conditions as law is dynamic in itself and of the changing economic, political and social scenario. Despite that, Indian Constitution has provided for components, which can be said to be responsible for judicial independence



Constitutional provisions



Many provisions are provided in our Constitution to ensure the independence of the judiciary, which are discussed below:



Security of Tenure:

The judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts have been given the security of the tenure. Once appointed, they continue to remain in office till they reach the age of retirement which is 65 years in the case of Judges of Supreme Court and 62 years in the case of judges of the High Courts. They cannot be removed from the office except by an order of the President and that too on the ground of proven misbehavior and incapacity. A Resolution has also to be accepted to that effect by a majority of total membership of each House of Parliament and also by a majority of no less than two third of the members of the house present and voting. Procedure is so Complicated that there has been no case of the removal of a Judge of Supreme Court or High Court under this provision.

Salaries and Allowances:

The salaries and allowances of the judges is also a factor which makes the judges independent as their salaries and allowances are fixed and are not subject to a vote of the legislature. They are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India in case of Supreme Court judges and the Consolidated Fund of state in the case of High Court judges. Their emoluments cannot be altered to their disadvantage  except in the event of grave financial emergency.



Powers and Jurisdiction of Supreme Court: Parliament can only add to the

Powers and jurisdiction of the Supreme Court but cannot curtail them. In the civil cases, Parliament may change the pecuniary limit for the appeals to the Supreme Court. Parliament may enhance the appellate jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. It may confer the supplementary powers on the Supreme Court to enable it work more effectively. It may confer power to issue directions, orders or writs for any purpose other than those mentioned in Art. 32. Powers of the Supreme Court cannot be taken away. Making judiciary Independent



No discussion on conduct of Judge in State Legislature / Parliament:

 Art. 211 provides that there shall be no discussion in the legislature of the state

With respect to the conduct of any judge of Supreme Court or of a High Court In the discharge of his duties. A similar provision is made in Art. 121 which lays down that no discussion shall take place in Parliament with respect to the Conduct of the judge of Supreme Court or High Court in the discharge of his duties except upon a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the judge.



Power to punish for contempt: Both the Supreme Court and the High Court have the power to punish any person for their contempt. Art. 129 provide that the Supreme Court shall have the power to punish for contempt of itself. Likewise,Art. 215 lays down that every High Court shall have the power to punish for contempt of itself.

Separation of the Judiciary from the Executive: Art. 50 contains one of the Directive Principles of State Policy and lays down that the state shall take steps to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services of the state. The object behind the Directive Principle is to secure the independence of the judiciary from the executive. Art. 50 says that there shall be a separate judicial service free from executive control. The independence of the judiciary as is clear from the above discussion hold a prominent position as far as the institution of judiciary is concerned. It is clear from the historical overview that judicial independence has faced many obstacles in the past specifically in relation to the appointment and the transfer of judges. Courts have always tried to uphold the independence of judiciary and have always said that the independence of the judiciary is a basic feature of the Constitution. Courts have said so because the independence of judiciary is the pre-requisite for the smooth functioning of the Constitution and for a realization of a democratic society based on the rule of law.

Transfer of Judges

The question of transfer of a judge from one High Court to another has raised Controversies from time to time. During the emergency of 1975, sixteen High Court judges were transferred from one High court to another. In the words of Bhagwati J., in S.P. Gupta v Union of India13, “What was held by the courts was that the transfers of the High Court Judges during the emergency were made not for the purpose of furthering the cause of national integration but by way of punishment.” As the phraseology of Art. 222(1) stands, neither the consent of the Judge is necessary to his transfer nor is the opinion of the Chief Justice binding on the Government.



In the case of S P Gupta v Union of India (Judges Transfer Case 1)

Unanimously agreed with the meaning of the word 'consultation' as determined in the Union of India vSankalchand Himatlal Sheth it further held that the only ground on which the decision of the government can be challenged is that it is based on mollified and irrelevant considerations. In doing so, it substantially reduced its own power in appointing the judges and gave control to the executive.

this matter was raised again in the case of SC Advocates on Record Association v Union of India (Judges Transfer Case 2). In this case, the SC overruled the decision given in S.P.Gupta v Union of India17 and held that in the matter of appointment of judges of High Courts and Supreme Court, the Chief Justice should have the primacy and the appointment of the CJ should be based on seniority. It further held that the Chief Justice must consult his two senior most judges and the recommendation must be made only if there is a consensus among them.



In re Presidential Reference  (Judges Transfer Case 3): A controversy arose again when the CJ recommended the names for appointment without consulting with other judges in 1999. The president sought advice from the SC (re Presidential Reference) and a 9 member bench held that an advice given by the CJ without proper consultation with other judges is not binding on the govt. As of now, due to the decision in Judges Transfer Case 2, the appointment of the judges in SC and High Courts are fairly free from executive control. This is an important factor that ensure the independence of the judiciary .The following are other provisions that work towards the same goal :The decision of the Judges Case was could never have been intended by the framers of the Constitution as they always set the task of keeping judiciary free from executive and making it self-competent. The decision of the Second Judges Case and the Third Judges Case is a praiseworthy step by the court in this regard.



Collegium System: Meaning: It is a system under which appointments and transfers of judges are decided by a forum of the Chief Justice of India and the four senior most judges of the Supreme Court. It has no place in the Indian Constitution. This system has its genesis in a series of three judgments, that is now clubbed as “three Judges cases” on appointment of judges as have been discussed in this lesson. The new bill is an attempt to scrap this collegium system of appointment of judges, and proposes a new mechanism under National Judicial Appointment Commission (NJAC) thereby ensuring the independence of judiciary. The Collegium system is one where the Chief Justice of India and a forum of four Senior- most Judges of the Supreme Court recommend appointments and transfer of judges. However, it has no place in the Indian Constitution. The system was evolved through Supreme Court judgments in the – Three judges cases (October 28, 1988).



ART 124 OF THE CONSTITUTION SAYS: “Every Judge of the Supreme Court shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal after consultation with such of the judges of the Supreme Court and of the high court in the state as President may deem necessary for the purpose and shall hold office until he attains the age of 65 years.

Provided that in the case of appointment of a judge other than the chief justice, the Chief Justice of India shall always be consulted.

ARTICLE 217 SAYS: “Every judge of high court shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal after consultation with the chief Justice of India, the Governor of the state, and, in the case of appointment of a judge other than the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of the high court……”

This is according to the Constitution; the executive is empowered to appoint judges in consultation with the judiciary

Most Recent Developments

The Supreme Court rejected the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC) Act and the 99th Constitutional Amendment which sought to give politicians and civil society a final say in the appointment of judges to the highest courts. Here is what you need to know about the row:



What is the NJAC?



The National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC) is a constitutional body proposed to replace the present Collegium system of appointing judges.



What is the Collegium system?



The Collegium system is one where the Chief Justice of India and a forum of four senior-most judges of the Supreme Court recommend appointments and transfers of judges. However, it has no place in the Indian Constitution.The system was evolved through Supreme Court judgments in the Three Judges Cases (October 28, 1998).



Why is Collegium system being criticised?



The Central government has criticised it saying it has created an imperium in imperio (empire within an empire) within the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court Bar Association has blamed it for creating a “give-and-take” culture, creating a rift between the haves and have-nots. While politicians and actors get instant relief from courts, the common man struggles for years for justice.”

How and when was the NJAC established?

The NJAC was established by amending the Constitution [Constitution (Ninety-Ninth Amendment) Act, 2014] passed by the Lok Sabha on August 13, 2014 and by the Rajya Sabha on August 14 2014. Alongside, the Parliament also passed the National Judicial Appointments Commission Act, 2014, to regulate the NJAC’s functions. Both Bills were ratified by 16 of the State legislatures and the President gave his assent on December 31, 2014. The NJAC Act and the Constitutional Amendment Act came into force from April 13, 2015.

Who will be in the NJAC?

It will consist of six people — the Chief Justice of India, the two most senior judges of the Supreme Court, the Law Minister, and two ‘eminent persons’. These eminent persons are to be nominated for a three-year term by a committee consisting of the Chief Justice, the Prime Minister, and the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, and are not eligible for re-nomination.

If politicians are involved, what about judicial independence?

The judiciary representatives in the NJAC -- the Chief Justice and two senior-most judges can veto any name proposed for appointment to a judicial post if they do not approve of it. Once a proposal is vetoed, it cannot be revived. At the same time, the judges require the support of other members of the commission to get a name through.



Judicial Accountability



Judicial independence and judicial accountability are complementary to each other with great power comes great responsibility and accountability.



Judicial Corruption: Former Chief Justice of India J.S.P. Bharucha himself has stated and estimated that about 20 percent of the judges could be corrupt. J. K.G. Balakrishnan doubted whether such high percentage of corruption existed, but he admitted that there is corruption and particularly the judges of the superior courts are corrupt The CBI’s arrest of the ex-judge of Orissa High Court in connection with the alleged role of an Allahabad High Court judge in granting permission to private medical college to admit students despite a firm Supreme Court ban. On receipt of complaints from UP Advocate General Raghvendra Singh and one Dr. Abhay Krishna about the alleged impropriety of orders passed by a bench headed by J. Shri Narayan Shukla, Chief Justice of India had sought responses of the High Court judges concerned and the High Court Chief Justice Chief Justice of India set up a three-judge inquiry committee to find out the facts, the panel comprises Madras High Court’s Chief Justice Indira Banerjee, Sikkim High Court’s Chief Justice S.K. Agnihotri and Madhya Pradesh High Courts’ Chief Justice P.K. Jaiswal. This in house inquiry panel found substance in the allegations.



Politicisation of Judiciary: It is true that every judge pursues a definite political philosophy as an individual as he is also belongs to the same society. Some judges even follow the agenda of a particular political party. The first instance was when the sitting Chief Justice of India K. Subba Rao become the oppositions, presidential candidate against Dr. Jakir Hussain in May 1967.



Further retired judges were offered membership



To the Parliament, chairmanship of different commissions etc. In hope of getting such post-retirement benefits they would be bound to tilt towards government.



Re-employment of Retired Judges of Supreme Court in Various Executive Positions: This is a danger to independence of judiciary, many a time they are appointed to pure and simple executive posts like Governer of States like Fatima Beevi  and  P. Sathasivam.



Delay in commencement and conclusion of criminal trial: L.N. Mishra murder case of 1975. Sessions Court awarded life imprisonment to four convicts after 40 years, now the age of convicts is 73 years, 66 years, 75 years and 79 years, what is the justification of this conviction

In another case, which has reached the apex court in 2009, a women had lodged a complaint against her brothers for grabbing her shop. The Supreme Court said ‘sorry’ for the 13 years delay in commencement of criminal trial due to two conflicting orders passed by a High Court Judge in a single day in two different but related cases, as one of the order restricted further probe in the case while in the other, it allowed the investigation to go on. The women litigant in this case Shyam Lata has passed away.



Politics in appointment of judges and appointment of junior judges as Chief Justice of India by to-passing the senior most judge: Generally, the senior most judge of the Supreme Court was to be appointed as the Chief Justice of the said court. Till 1973, this convention was followed. But this practice was criticized on grounds of experience, merit and competence so these factors should be taken care of and not the seniority. But this convention was broken first time in 1973 when J. R.N. Ray was appointed the Chief Justice of India superseding three senior colleagues namely J. K.S. Hagde, J. M. Shelat and J. A.N. Grover. The reason was that J. A.N. Ray had sided with the government in Kesavananda Bharti case. But reason given by the government that President has followed his discretionary power. In 1976, the appointment of J. M.H. Beg as Chief Justice of India bypassing J. H.R. Khanna who was senior to him because J. Khanna alone dissented in A.D.M. Jabalpur case known as the habeas corpus case thereby saving many people from the misrule during the Emergency. What he said was that Article 21 is not something which is given to us by our Constitution but it existed  even before that and so it cannot be taken away in the Emergency.



Appointment of Additional/Ad-hoc Judges: Article 224(1) of the Constitution of India provides for the appointment of the Additional Judges for a period not exceeding two years to share the workloads. If there is a post of permanent judge then additional judges need not be appointed. After two years the additional judges are appointed as permanent judges, 1/3rd of the judges of the High Courts in India are additional judges.



Pendency of Cases: It is a common saying that Indian courts move so slowly that the grandson ends up fighting the court case that his grandfather files. Over 3.15 crore cases pending across India (2015 figures) this suggests over 3 crore plaintiffs or petitioners, defendants could number around 9 crore assuming each legal case involves 3-5 defendants. That's 12 crore litigants. Assume each litigant has 3 family members, this makes 36 crore Indian citizens are directly or indirectly involved in litigation at any point of time. It means today every fourth person in our society is a litigant (directly or indirectly) and in another 20 years on so this number could swell to every second person, so we are creating a nation of litigants.

We have about 16,000 judges to deal with 66,000 pending cases in the apex court, 45 lack cases in the 24 High Courts and 2.7 Crore cases across the district and subordiante courts Large pendency of cases in Indian courts and non-implementation of judicial reforms have been cited by the World Bank as one of the key reasons for India's low rank on the Bank's Index of "Ease of Doing Business".



8. Collegium system and its implementation: The collegium system came in to being from a Supreme Court Judgment of 1993 and in 1998. Our judiciary is independent. The procedure of appointment under this collegium system is a secret. According to an assessment 80-90% of vacancies in High Courts and Supreme Court are filled from the judge’s families.



Delay in appointment of Judges: A definite timeframe, both for Judiciary to recommend names for appointment as judges and the Executive to effect the appointments, to "keep the hope and aspirations of litigants for speedy justice alive".

A supreme court bench of Justice A.K. Sikri and J. Ashok Bhusan said, "It is seen that once the names are forwarded, they remain pending at the executive level for an unduly long time, before they are sent with executive's inputs to the collegium of the Supreme Court for approval. Even after clearance of the names by the collegium, these remain pending at the level of the executives. Sometimes, it takes more than one year to complete the process from the date of forwarding the names till appointment".

In 1993, the Supreme Court had "categorically stated that the process of appointment must be initiated at least one month before the date of anticipated vacancy".

The confrontation between the Government and the Supreme Court collegium over finalization of the Memorandum of Procedure (MoP) for appointment of Judges after setting aside the NJAC. Supreme Court's time frame for appointment in lower judiciary not being followed:

10. Recruitment of Civil Judges: A two tier process should take -153 days. A three-tier examination process should take 273 days. On an average, over the last 10 years, one recruitment cycle for Civil Judges (Jr.) takes 326-27 days (Three tier process). J&K takes 742 days, Uttarakhand - 454 days, Assam - 447 days, Delhi - 798 days, Kerala- 459 days, Himachal Pradesh - 178 days, Gujarat - 158 days, Karnataka - 270 days, Odisha- 265 days, Andhra Pradesh - 256 days.

Recruitment of District Judges: Supreme Court says a two tier recruitment for District Judges should take 153 days and the average to complete the cycle in actual 196. 28 days, for three tier process it should take around 273 days and it take actually 335.9 days.

Under two-tier process: Kerala- 456 days, Andhra Pradesh - 192 days, Odisha- 160 days, Himachal Pradesh- 155 days, Tripura -144 days, Tamil Nadu- 96 days.

Under three-tier process: Uttar Prasesh- 349 days, Punjab- 324 days, Mizoram- 317 days, Nagaland- 267 days, Karnataka- 233 days.



Judicial Discipline, Judicial properiety and Judicial Transparency:

a) A three judge bench on February 8, 2018 which had held that compensation not availed within a stipulated time of five year period would not be a ground for canullation of land acquisition while a three -judge bench in 2014 had held that non payment of compensation would be a ground to cancel the land acquisition. A three-judge bench on Feb. 8, 2018 held that the 2014 judgment was per incuriam. On Feb. 13, 2018 a three judge bench headed by J. Madan B. Lokur referred to the Feb. 8 judgment and observed that if 'judicial discipline' and propriety were not maintained, the institution will 'go forever'.



b) Supreme Court had so many times criticized media trial but press conference by four senior most judges of Supreme Court is a serious matter. The best way to solve the problem was either Chief Justice of India had announced his resignation, on moral grounds as his four brother judges have lost confidence in him or contempt proceedings must be initiated against there four judges as contempt punishment was awarded to justice Karnan. Likewise if four judges wanted to come to the press should resign first.

c) A controversial collegium: the unfortunate transfer of Justice Jayant Patel, just as he was on the verge of taking over as the Chief Justice of the Karnataka High Court. The local bar association demanded 'reasons' for this arbitrary transfer. As a famous U.S. Judge once noted, "The political branches of Government claim legitimacy by election, Judges by reason".

d) A Delhi High Court Judge publicly pronounced at a conference that judges need not give 'reasons' for issuing Intellectual Property (IP) injunctions, since they know best and decide with "conviction"



e) A former judge of the Rajasthan High Court had gone on record with his strong "conviction" that peacocks propagate their progeny not through sex, but through tears.

f) Legal legibility: the quality of "judgment", i.e., how well the judge writes and reason out its decision, legal clarity or legibility". Access to law means nothing if it takes specialized legal genius to determine the essence of a ruling For example the Ayodhya verdict ran into more than 1,000 pages, Justice Ruma Pal, a former judge of Supreme Court, once laminated: "Many judgments are infact mere compendia or digest of decisions on a particular issue with very little original reasoning in support of the conclusion"



Judiciary and Economic Development: This year's "Economic Survey" which gives detail of previous year performance. This year's "Economic Survey" provided details of effects judiciary over economic development. The stay pronounced by different courts on different projects hold the Rs. 52,000 crore value projects. Approximately Rs. 7.5 lac crore amounts is hold up in the court due to pendency of cases; which is 4.7 percent of GDP.



A close look into the present day Indian Judiciary

POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS:

·         Strengthening the Alternate Dispute Resolution System: The current system of arbitration, conciliation etc has many flaws in them. If a strong system of ADRS with limited interference from the court is developed, then the burden on the courts will definitely be decrease to a large extend.

·         Strong Lokpal Bill: A strong system of Ombudsman (the equivalent of Lokpal) has contributed a lot in making New Zealand one of the countries having the lowest perceived levels of corruption (as per the Corruption perception Index, 2012). Many experts believe a strong Lokpal bill can do what the system of Ombudsman has done for New Zealand. This will free up a lot of cases pending before the conventional courts.

·         Appointment of sufficient staffs: No work can be carried out properly if there is a shortage of man power. Appoint sufficient judges. PERIOD! Passing of the Indian Judiciary Service Bill would be a good start in an effort to sort out this problem.

·         Simplification of procedures: Efforts should be takes to ensure the complex procedures followed are simplified to the maximum extent possible. This would not only help in saving time but also ensure speedy disposal of cases.

It is safe to conclude that a little effort on part of our Government can do wonders in rectifying some of the problems faced by our Judiciary today. The judiciary is the watchdog, the upholder of justice. It is the ultimate symbol of righteousness. If people lose faith in the judicial system, then what follows will be nothing short of chaos and complete disorder.

Conclusion

In a democratic polity wedded to rule of law and independent judiciary is  sine qua non. In a democratic state governed by a written constitution, the task of interpreting the constitution and being the sole arbiter in constitutional disputes is assigned to the judiciary and it is here that it is required to be totally free of any direct or convert influence by the legislative or the executive. It is in the role that the judiciary has to enjoy complete freedom. The principle of complete independence of the judiciary from the executive is the foundation of many things in our island life.The Judge has not only to do justice between man and man. He also and this is one of the most important functions considered incomprehensible in some large parts of the world-has to do justice between the citizens and the state.



Whenever there is a mention of the independence of the judiciary, there is always a concern about the latent dangers of the judicial independence and there arises the importance of “Judicial Accountability”. The recent development in this regard is the recommendation of the Law Commission for the inclusion of a whistleblower provision, aimed at protecting those making complaints against judges, in a draft bill dealing with the removal of judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts. Introduction of such a bill by the Law Commission is a major step in the direction of making changes to the rigid procedure in our Constitution for the removing of the judges of the Supreme Court and the High Courts.



The final outcome of the above discussion is that the importance of the independence of the judiciary was long ago realized by the framers of the Constitution which has been accepted by the courts by marking it as the basic feature of the Constitution. It is well known law has to change so as to meet to the needs of the changing society. Similarly judicial independence has to be seen with the changing dimension of the society. Judicial Accountability and Judicial Independence have to work hand in hand to ensure the real purpose of setting up of the institution of judiciary.



References



·       Shiva Rao, Framing of Indias constitution A study, Wadhwa & co.p.288, New Delhi, 1968

·       MHRD

·       Shodhganga

·       The hindu

·       International law journal

·       INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF LEGAL DEVELOPMENTS AND ALLIED ISSUES.

·       S.P.Gupta v. U.O.I. 1981 Suppl.87

·       The Government of Canada by R. Mac-Gregor Da'xson revised by Norman Ward. University of Toronto Press.



·       1964 p. 345 cited by M.C. Setalvad “An Independent Judiciary and A Democratic State”p 2

·        Union of India v. Sankalchand Himatlal Sheth, AIR 1977 SC 2328

·        CIJL Bulletin 8 (1981)

·        Stephen G. Breyer, Judicial Independence in the United States, 40 ST. LOUIS U. L.J. 989, 989 (1996).

·       Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association v. Union of India, AIR 1 994 SC 268, L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India, AIR 1 997 SC 1 1 25  Commentary to Canon 3B, ABA, Model Code of Judicial Conduct (1990)

·       Administrative Law, I P Massey, Eastern Book Company, edn. 6, 2005, p.34

·       Vide Chief Justice U.S. Supreme Court Justice Warren E. Burger as quoted in Frank M. Coffin, View from the Bench, 1987, p. 27

·       Frank M. Coffio, op cit

·       . Granville Austin, The Indian Constitution: The Cornerstone of a Nation, 1966. Pp. 164.65

·       S. P. Gupta v. President of India, AIR 1982 SC 149.

·       Cooper v. Aaron, (1958) 357 US 1

·       C f. DENNING, The ROAD TO JUSTICE,1955, p. 11. Cited by Dr. D.D.Basu in Comnetary on Constitution vol V pp



Collection by Miss Sonam Vishnoi, 
                        Asstt Professor

GLOBAL COLLEGE OF LAW
Naaglok, Vill Kushaliya PO: Dasna, Distt Ghaziabad 

Sunday, September 2, 2018


                     A  SENARIO ON PARLIAMENTRY PRIVILEGES

INTRODUCTION

The term "parliamentary privilege" is essentially used to describe the law relating to the privileges or immunities of Parliament and includes its powers to punish for "contempt" or breach of privilege. The privileges, whether of Parliament itself as a collective body or of the individual members, are intended to enable them to carry out their constitutional functions of legislating, debate and enquiry effectively, independently and without interference or obstruction from any quarter. Since, India has these privileges enshrined in its Constitution, it would be appropriate to approach the topic with reference to the relevant constitutional provisions. The law on the subject in other countries is an important aid for understanding the limits and extent of the law of privileges. .Justice B K Balasubramanian.

Article 105 of the Constitution relating to the "Powers, privileges and immunities of Parliament and its members" and Article 194 relating to the State Legislatures and their members contain certain enumerated privileges and powers while leaving room for a large number of uncodified and unenumerated privileges to continue. Reference to certain other provisions like Articles 118, 121, 122, 208, 211 and 361-A, which also have a bearing on the subject, are made at the appropriate places.

After 68 years of adopting the written constitution having provisions for all laws including Parliamentary Privileges vide Article 105 and many more having a bearing almost in the same mode as the British Parliament enjoys, there is a great need to do introspection on the part of all Parliamentarians in individual and in collective capacity as to what we have been lacking during the last over 06 decades and what efforts we have made to plug the holes to combat the evils  prevailing in our society. Means as to whether the representatives of different sections of Society in Parliament are able to raise the genuine issues of their society/ caste  or the members are only to speak what their party line is, specially the representatives of ruling party. The Parliamentarians are enjoying various privileges and immunities only to enable them to emphatically place the issues of all sectors of society in Parliament and to take forward the RULE OF LAW of the law of the land to build a welfare State as envisaged in the Constitution. In essence, the Parliamentarians   uphold the responsibility of  diversified society which to be resolved with cohesive approach by all in individual and collective way in and out the Parliament.

All strong democracies have at their core the cognition that “parliamentarians must be free to speak their mind in debates and member of parliaments to represent their constituents’ views without fear or favour”. The term ‘parliamentary privilege’ refers to the powers, privileges and immunities enjoyed by Houses of Parliament and their members in the performance of their duties. In spite of this, parliamentary privilege is the privilege of the Houses of Parliament “as a whole and not simply of the individual member”

Every Court of Justice hath Laws and Customs for its direction, some by the Common Law, some by the Civil and Cannon Law, some by peculiar Laws and Customs. all weighty matters in any Parliament moved concerning the Peers of the Realm, or Commons in Parliament assembled, ought to be determined, adjudged and discussed by the course of the Parliament, and not by the Civil Law, nor yet by the Common Laws of this Realm used in more inferior Courts...the King cannot take notice of anything said or done in the House of Commons, but by the report of the House of Commons: and every Member of Parliament hath a judicial place, and can be no witness. And this is the reason that Judges ought not to give any opinion of a matter of Parliament, because it is not to be decided by the Common Laws...

                                                             --- Sir Edward coke



In legal arena the phrase ‘privilege’, is termed as immunity or an exemption from some duty, burden, attendance or liability conferred by special grant in derogation of common right.



Parliamentary privilege is the sum of certain rights enjoyed by each House collectively and by members of each House individually, without which they could not discharge their functions, and which exceed those possessed by other bodies or individuals. Some privileges rest solely on the law and custom of Parliament, while others have been defined by statute. Certain rights and immunities such as freedom from arrest or freedom of speech belong primarily to individual members of each House and exist because the House cannot perform its functions without unimpeded use of the services of its members. Other rights and immunities, such as the power to punish for contempt and the power to regulate its own constitution belong primarily to each House as a collective body, for the protection of its members and the vindication of its own authority and dignity. Fundamentally, however, it is only as a means to the effective discharge of the collective functions of the House that the individual privileges are enjoyed by members.



The Report of the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution March 31, 2002 felt



Similarly as it expressed its concern about the uncertainty of the Existing law involving parliamentary privileges in India as follows:



“The founding fathers envisaged codification of parliamentary privileges by Parliament by law. But so far no law has been made and these privileges remain undefined. It is a somewhat curious situation that even after more than 68 years after the commencement of the Constitution we are unable to lay down precisely by law when a Member of Parliament is not subject to the same legal obligations as any ordinary citizen is.



The Commission recommends that the time has come to define and delimit privileges deemed to be necessary for the free and independent functioning of Parliament. It should not be necessary to run to the 1950 position in the House of Commons every time a question arises as to what kind of legal protection or immunity a member has in relation to his or her work in the House.





Pre-Constitution compass of parliamentary privileges in British India-



The underpinning of the British Empire was gradually laid in India in the course of the era 1600-1765. “The full-fledged British parliamentary intervention came with the East India Company Act, 1773 which is also called as the Regulating Act. The Act created the office of the Governor General of the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal, to be aided by a Council of four Counselors. The whole civil and military government of the East India Company was vested in the Governor General and Council. The Governor General and Council was authorized to ‘make and issue rules, ordinances and regulations for the good order and civil government’ of the Indian territories.”



Legislative Council of India, during the phase between 1854 and 1861 acted similarly like House of Commons in England in demanding parliamentary privileges and immunities, and certain parliamentary privileges were established over that period for the Legislative Council of India viz.:

·Privilege of freedom of debate;

·Right to repel outside attacks on its dignity and authority by means of a resolution expressing displeasure against anyone including the courts too;

·Right to demand production of papers and information from the Executive Government;

·Right of exclusion of strangers to ensure privacy of debate;

·Right to appoint a Select Committee likely as Committee of Privileges etc.

The Indian Councils Act, 1892 initiated and made historical progress regarding the subject of “freedom of debate in parliament” by which the imposed constraints by the Act of 1861 on “right of debate” were moderately eliminated. The Indian Councils Act, 1909 removed further restraints on “privilege of freedom of debate in the Legislative Councils”.



Provisions under Indian constitutions

The Constitution of India specifies some of the privileges. These are freedom of speech in Parliament –

Article 105. Powers, privileges, etc of the Houses of Parliament and of the members and committees thereof-

1. Subject to the provisions of this Constitution and the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure of Parliament, there shall be freedom of speech in Parliament.

2. No Member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceeding in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof, and no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of Parliament of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.

3. In other respects, the powers, privileges and immunities of each House of Parliament, and the members and the committee of each House, shall be such as may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law, and until so defined, [shall be those of that House and of its members and committees immediately before the coming into force of Section 15 of the Constitution (44th Amendment) Act, 1978].

4. The provision of clauses (1), (2), and (3) shall apply in relation to persons who by virtue of this Constitution have the right to speak in, and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of, a House of Parliament or any committee thereof as they apply in relation to the members of Parliament.

Parliamentary privileges-this article defines parliamentary privileges of both Houses of Parliament and of their members and committees. Article 194, which is an exact reproduction of Article 105, deals with the State Legislatures and their members and committees. To enable Parliament to discharge functions properly the Constitution confers on each member of the Houses certain rights and immunities and also certain rights and immunities and powers on each house collectively. Parliamentary privilege is an essential incident to the high and multifarious functions which the legislature is called upon to perform. According to May, the distinctive mark of a privilege is its ancillary character a necessary means to fulfillment of functions. Individual members enjoy privileges because the House cannot perform its function without unimpeded use of the services of its members and by each House for the protection of its members and the vindication of its own authority and dignity.

Freedom of speech

Article 105, clause (1), expressly safeguards freedom of speech in parliament. It says: there shall be freedom of speech in parliament. Clause (2) further provides that no member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in parliament or any committee thereof. No action, civil or criminal, will therefore lie against a member for defamation or the like in respect of things said in parliament or its committees. The immunity is not limited to mere spoken words; it extends to votes, as clause (2) specifically declares, viz. any vote given by him in parliament or any committee thereof. Though not expressly stated, the freedom of speech would extend to other acts also done in connection with the proceedings of each House, such as, for notices of motions, questions, reports of the committee, or the resolutions.

It may be noted that clause (1) of Article 105 is made Subject to the provisions of this constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating the procedures of Parliament. The words regulating the procedures of Parliament occurring in clause (1) should be read as covering both the provisions of the Constitution and the rules and standing orders. So read, freedom of speech in Parliament becomes subject to the provisions of Constitution relating to the procedures of Parliament, i.e., subject to the articles relating to procedures in Part V including Articles 107 and 121. Thus for example, freedom of speech in Parliament would not permit a member to discuss the conduct of any judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court. Likewise, the freedom of speech is subject to the rules of procedures of a House, such as use of unparliamentarily language or unparliamentarily conducts.


The freedom of speech guaranteed under clause (1) is different from that which a citizen enjoys as a fundamental right under Article 19 (1) (a). The freedom of speech as a fundamental right does not protect an individual absolutely for what he says. The right is subject to reasonable restrictions under clause (2) of Article 19. The term? Freedom of speech? as used in this article means that no member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings, civil and criminal, in any court for the statements made in debates in the Parliament or any committee thereof. The freedom of speech conferred under this article cannot therefore be restricted under Article 19 (2) Clauses (1) and (2) of Article 105 protect what is said within the house and not what a member of Parliament may say outside. Accordingly, if a member publishes his speech outside Parliament, he will be held liable if the speech is defamatory. Besides, the freedom of speech. To which Article 105 (1) and (2) refer, would be available to a member of Parliament when he attends the session of Parliament, no occasion arises for the exercise of the right of freedom of speech, and no complaint can be made that the said right has been invalidly invaded.

Article 105 (2) confers immunity, inter alia, in respect of anything said in Parliament the word anything is of the widest import and is equivalent to everything. The only limitation arises from the words in Parliament, which means during the sitting of Parliament and in the course of business of Parliament. Once it was proved that Parliament was sitting and its business was transacted, anything said during the course of that business was immune from proceedings in any court. This immunity is not only complete but it is as it should be. It is one of the essence of parliamentary system of government that people's representative should be free to express themselves without fear of legal expenses. What they say is only subject to the discipline of the rules of Parliament, the good sense of the members and the control of proceedings by the speaker. The courts have no say in the matter and should really have none.

In a much publicized matter involving former Prime Minister, several ministers, Members of Parliament and others a divided Court,

In P.V.Narsimha Rao v. State has held that the privilege of immunity from courts proceedings in Article 105 (2) extends even to bribes taken by the Members of Parliament for the purpose of voting in a particular manner in Parliament. The majority (3 judges) did not agree with the minority (2 judges) that the words in respect of in Article 105 (2) mean, arising out of and therefore would not cover conduct antecedent to speech or voting in Parliament. The court was however unanimous that the members of Parliament who gave bribes, or who took bribes but did not participate in the voting could not claim immunity from court proceeding's under Article 105 (2). The decision has invoked so much controversy and dissatisfaction that a review petition is pending in the court.

Right of Publication of proceedings

Clause (2) of Article 105 expressly declares that no person shall be liable in respect of the publication by order under the authority of a house of Parliament, of any report, paper, votes or proceedings. Common law accords the defense of qualified privilege to fair and accurate unofficial reports of parliamentary proceedings, published in a newspaper or elsewhere.

In Wason v. Walter, Cockburn, C.J. observed that it was of paramount public and national importance that parliamentary proceedings should be communicated to public, which has the deepest interest in knowing what passes in Parliament. But a partial report or a report of detached part of proceedings published with intent to injure individuals will be disentitled to protection. The same is the law in India. The Parliamentary Proceedings (Protection of Publication) Act, 1956 enacts that no person shall be liable to any proceedings, civil or criminal, in a court in respect of the publication of a substantially true report of the proceedings in either House of the Parliament, unless it is proved that the publication is made with malice.

Other privileges

Clause (3) of Article 105, as amended declares that the privileges of each House of Parliament, its members and committees shall be such as determined by Parliament from time to time and until Parliament does so, which it has not yet done, shall be such as on 20th June 1979 i.e., on the date of commencement of Section 15 of the 44th Amendment. Before the amendment this clause has provided that until Parliament legislates the privileges of each House and its members shall be such as those of the House of Commons in England at the time of commencement of the Constitution. As the position till 20th June 1979 was determined on the basis of original provision, it is still relevant to refer to the law as it has been in the context of English law. In that perspective it may be emphasized that there are certain privileges that cannot be claimed by Parliament in India. For example, the privileges of access to the sovereign, which is exercised by the House of Commons through its Speaker to have at all times the right of access to the sovereign through their chosen representative can have no application in India. Similarly, a general warrant of arrest issued by Parliament in India cannot claim to be regarded as a court of record in any sense . Also the privilege of the two Houses of Parliament, unlike the privileges of the House of Commons and House of Lords in England are identical. To each House of Parliament, accordingly, belong the privileges, which are possessed by the House of Commons in the United Kingdom.

In India freedom from arrest has been limited to civil causes and has not been applied to arrest on criminal charges or to detention under the Preventive Detention Act. Also there is no privilege if arrest is made under s.151 Criminal Procedure Code.

It has been held in K. Anandan Kumar v. Chief Secretary, Government of Madras, that matters of Parliament do not enjoy any special status as compared to an ordinary citizen in respect of valid orders of detention.

In India, the rules of procedure in the House of People give the chair the power, whenever it thinks fit, of ordering the withdrawal of strangers from any part of the House and when the House sits in a secret session no stranger is permitted to be present in the chamber, lobby or galleries. The only exceptions are the members of the Council of States and the persons authorized by the Speaker.

In Pandit M.S.M Sharma v. Shri Krishna Sinha, proceedings for the breach of privilege had been started against an editor of a newspaper for publishing those parts of the speech of a member delivered in Bihar legislative assembly which the speaker had ordered to be expunged from the proceedings of the Assembly. The editor in a writ petition under A. 32 contended that the House of Commons had no privilege to prohibit either the publication of the publicly seen and heard proceedings that took place in the House or of that part of the proceedings which had been directed to be expunged. The Supreme Court by a majority of four to one rejected the contention of the petitioner. Das C.J., who delivered the majority judgment, observed that the House of Commons had at the commencement of our Constitution the power or privilege of prohibiting the publication of even a true and faithful report of the debates or proceedings that took place within the House. A fortiori the House had at the relevant time the power or privilege of prohibiting the publication of an inaccurate version of such debates or proceedings.

Now Article 361-A inserted by the 44th Amendment with effect from June 20, 1979 provides that no person shall be liable to any proceedings civil or criminal for reporting the proceedings of either House of Parliament or a State Legislature unless the reporting is proved to have been made with malice. This provision does not apply to the reporting of proceedings of secret sittings of the Houses. In India there also vest a right of the House to regulate its own constitution. When a seat of a member elected to the house becomes vacant, the Election Commission, by a notification in the Gazette of India calls upon the Parliamentary constituency concerned to elect a person for the purpose of filling the vacancy. In India, Article 103 expressly provides that if any question arises as to whether a member of either House of Parliament has become subject to any of the disqualifications, the question shall be referred to the President whose decision shall be final. The President is however required to act in this behalf according to the opinion of Election Commission.
As far as right to regulate internal proceedings are concerned Article 122 expressly provides that the validity of any proceedings shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure, and no officer or member of Parliament in whom powers are vested by or under the Constitution for regulating the procedure or the conduct of business or for maintaining order in Parliament shall be subject to the jurisdiction of any court in respect of the exercise by him of those powers.

Law Courts and Privileges

Article 105, so also Article 194 subjects the powers, privileges and immunities of each House as well as all its members and all its committees not only to the laws made by the appropriate legislature but also to all other provisions of the Constitution. Both these articles far from dealing with the legislative powers of the Houses of Parliament or of State Legislature respectively are confined in scope to such powers of each House as it may exercise separately functioning as a House. A House of Parliament or Legislature cannot try anyone or any case directly as a court of justice can, but it can proceed quasi judicially in cases of contempt of its authority or take up motions concerning its privileges and immunities in order to seek removal of obstructions to the due performance of its legislative functions. If any question of jurisdiction arises as to a certain matter, it has to be decided by a court of law in appropriate proceedings. For example, the jurisdiction to try a criminal offence such as murder, committed even within a House vests in ordinary courts and not in  Parliament or in a State Legislature. Also, a House of Parliament or State Legislature cannot in exercise of any supposed powers under Articles 105 and 194 decide election disputes for which special authorities have been constituted under the Representation of People Act, 1951 enacted in compliance with Article 329..

Article 194 Powers, privileges, etc.

 The Houses of Legislature and of the members and committees thereof.
1. Subject to the provisions of this Constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure of the Legislature, there shall be freedom of speech in the Legislature of every State.
2. No member of the Legislature of a State shall be liable to any proceeding in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in the Legislature or any committee thereof, and no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of a House of such a Legislature of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.

3. In other respects, the powers, privileges and immunities of a House of the Legislature of a State, and of the members and the committees of a House of such Legislature, shall be such as may be defined from time to time be defined by the Legislature by law, and until so defined, shall be those of that House and of its members and committees immediately before the coming into force of Section 26 of the Constitution (Forty Fourth Amendment) Act, 1978.

4. The provisions of clauses (1), (2) and (3) shall apply in relation to persons who by virtue of this Constitution have the right to speak in, and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of, a House of the Legislature of a State or any committee thereof as they apply in relation to members of that Legislature. This article that applies to the State Legislatures and members and committees thereof is an exact reproduction of Article 105, which applies to both Houses of Parliament and committees thereof. Clause (1)- of this article declares that there shall be freedom of speech in the legislature of every State. This freedom is subject to the provisions of Articles 208 and 211.

 A member cannot accordingly raise discussions as to the conduct of a Supreme Court or High Court judge as A. 211 prohibits it. The provisions of the Constitution subject to which freedom of speech has been conferred on the legislators are not the general provisions of the Constitution but only such of them as relate to the regulation of the procedure of the Legislature. The freedom of speech guaranteed to citizens under A. 19 (1) (a) is therefore separate and independent of Article 194 (1) and does not control the first part of clause 1 of A.194. Clause (2)- emphasizes the fact that the freedom of speech conferred on the Legislatures under clause (1) is intended to be absolute and unfettered. Similar freedom is guaranteed to the legislators in respect of the votes they may give in the Legislature or committees thereof. Thus, if a legislator exercises aright of freedom of speech in violation of A. 211 he would not be liable for any action in any court. Likewise, if the legislator by his speech or vote is alleged to have violated any of the fundamental rights guaranteed by Part III of the Constitution in the Legislative Assembly, he would not be answerable for the said contravention in any court. If the speech amounts to libel or becomes actionable or indictable under any other provision of the law immunity has been conferred on him from any action in any court by clause (2). He may be answerable to the House for such a speech and the Supreme Court may take appropriate action against him in respect of it. Thus clause (1) confers freedom of speech to the legislators within the legislative chambers and clause (2) makes it plain that the freedom is literally absolute. Clause (3)- the first art of this clause empowers the State Legislature to make laws Prescribing its powers, privileges and immunities. If the Legislature of a State under the first part of clause (3) makes a law which prescribes its powers, privileges and immunities, such law would be subject to Article 13 and clause (2) of that article would render it void if it contravenes or abridges any of the fundamental rights guaranteed by Part III. The right of State Legislatures to punish for contempt can be discussed with the case law of Powers, Privileges and Immunities of State Legislature, Re. The reference was a sequel to the passing of an order by an unprecedented Full Bench of 28 judges staying, under Article 226, the implementation of the U.P. Assembly resolution ordering two judges of Allahabad High Court to be brought in custody before the Bar of the House to explain why they should not be punished for the contempt of the House. The two judges had admitted the habeas corpus petition of and granted bail to one Keshav Singh who was undergoing imprisonment in pursuance of the Assembly Resolution declaring him guilty of the breach of privilege. The resolution of the Assembly and the stay order issued by the Full Bench resulted in a constitutional stalemate. Consequently, the president referred the matter under Article 143 to the Supreme Court for its opinion. The Supreme Court by a majority of 6:1, through an elaborate and learned opinion delivered by Gajendragadkar, C.J., held that in India notwithstanding a general warrant issued by the Assembly, the Courts could examine the legality of the committal in proper proceedings. Other propositions were also laid down in the majority judgment. It said that Article 194 (3) cannot be read in isolation. The impact of Articles 226, 32 and 211 had to be ascertained in order to determine the scope of Article 194. Article 226 empowers the High Court to issue a writ of habeas corpus against any authority. This would include the legislature since no exception is made in favour of a detention order by the House for the breach of its privileges. Article 211 on the other hand unambiguously indicates that the conduct of a judge in the discharge of his duties can never become the subject matter of any action taken by the House in exercise of its powers or privileges conferred by the latter part of Article 194 (3). The fact that the first part of Article 194 (3) refers to future laws defining the privileges as being subject to fundamental rights is a significant factor in construing the latter part of Article 194. Such a state legislation would be law within the meaning of article 13 and the courts will be competent to examine its validity vis-à-vis the fundamental right. Although no opinion was tendered as regards fundamental rights in general, it was made clear that so far as Articles 21 and 22 are concerned, any privileges etc., which are claimed, must be consistent with these articles in the context of Article 208.

The balance between fundamental rights and parliamentary privilege must be re-examined


Thomas Thorpe, Speaker of the House of Commons, was arrested for the non-payment of some small fine in 1453; parliamentarian Strode was arrested in 1512 for introducing Bills which the Crown did not like; Elliot, Hollis and Valentine were arrested in 1629 for what the Crown considered to be seditious speeches in the House. Parliamentary privileges originated during the long struggle for democracy and citizen’s rights in Britain, between a monarch and Parliament as kings used to get members who spoke or were likely to speak against the king arrested. Today, our legislators get citizens and journalists arrested.

In our parliamentary democracy, where Parliament enjoys almost supreme powers, legislators face no threat from government. In fact privileges have become a tool in the hands of the ruling party. The case of the Karnataka Assembly imposing fines and imprisonment on two journalists for writing something against the Speaker when he was a legislator and against another legislator has once again revived the debate about the need for codifying privileges and giving primacy to a citizen’s right to free speech over legislative privileges.

Why shouldn’t our legislators’ freedom of speech, like the freedom of speech of citizens, be subject to the sovereignty and integrity of the nation, public order, friendly relations with foreign states, incitement of an offence or defamation as mentioned in Article 19(2)? The ‘sovereign people of India’ have a restricted right to free speech but ‘their servants or representatives’ have an absolute freedom of speech in the Houses. Even if one may reluctantly concede such a privilege to them in the interest of the smooth conduct of the House, why should there be the power to send people to jail for the breach of privileges? The Supreme Court’s decision in M.S.M. Sharma (1958), giving primacy to the privileges over free speech, was made in the first decade of the Republic during which the court had a lot of respect for legislators most of them were freedom fighters. However, by 1967, the Supreme Court was convinced that Parliament should not have absolute powers.

Too wide a power


Our legislators have the power to be the sole judges to decide what their privileges are, what constitutes their breach, and what punishment is to be awarded in case of breach. Is this not too wide a power which clearly impinges on constitutionalism, i.e. the idea of limited powers? The fault lies with the framers of the Constitution, who, while drafting the lengthiest constitution of the world, have left the vital area of legislative privileges undefined.

Articles 105 and 194 clearly lay down that the “power, privileges and immunities of the legislature shall be as may from time to time be defined by the legislature, and until so defined, shall be those of the House of Commons”. The expression “until so defined” does not mean an absolute power not to define privileges at all. Legislators have been arguing that codification of privileges will harm the sovereignty of Parliament. Is Indian Parliament really sovereign? We want a uniform civil code but our parliamentarians do not want a codification of their privileges which will not require more than a couple of articles.

Moreover, the drafters of the Constitution also committed the mistake of putting Indian Parliament on a par with the British House of Commons. De Lolme’s statement about the supremacy of British Parliament, that “Parliament can do everything but make a man a woman and a woman a man”, is not applicable to India. British Parliament was also the highest court till 2009. Thus, Indian legislatures and British Parliament differ not merely as regards their general political status but also in the matter of legal powers. Unlike England, in India the Constitution is supreme, not Parliament. Today by sovereignty, we mean “popular sovereignty” and not “parliamentary sovereignty”. The opening words of the Constitution are “we the people” and not “we the legislators of India.”

The codification of privileges is basically resisted because it would make the privileges subject to fundamental rights and hence to judicial scrutiny and evolution of new privileges would not be possible. In fact, the British House has itself broken from the past. Acts and utterances defamatory of Parliament or its members are no more treated as privilege questions. The U.S. House of Representatives has been working smoothly without any penal powers for well over two centuries. Australia too codified privileges in 1987.

It is strange that our legislators, to cover up corruption, not only took cover behind privileges but also pleaded in courts that they were not even ‘public servants’. In the Hardwari Lal and A.R. Antulay cases, the court did accept their contention and held that MLAs are not ‘public servants’. In the P.V. Narasimha Rao case, though they were held as public servants, the Supreme Court, in a controversial judgment, held that they can legally take bribes and vote as per the desire of the bribe-giver and hey will not be liable for corruption because, under legislative privileges, they cannot be questioned “in respect of any vote” given by them.

Our legislators also have protection from arrest in civil cases 40 days before the session, during the session and 40 days after the session. The exemption from arrest is also available for meetings. If we count the days of three parliamentary sessions and meetings then our MPs have protection from arrest for more than 365 days in a year. Is it not absurd? The Constitution Review Commission headed by Justice M.N. Venkatachaliah had recommended that privileges should be defined and delimited for the free and independent functioning of the legislatures. The restrictive interpretation of the Supreme Court holding freedom of speech subject to legislative privileges is not in tune with modern notions of human rights and there is an urgent need to have a fresh look at the vexed question of freedom of press vis-à-vis legislative privileges.

The present position in the law of parliamentary privileges in India was laid down in the case of Raja Ram Pal v The Hon’ble Speaker, Lok Sabha, & Ors. The Supreme Court of India has extensively dwelled on the matter and has delivered a judgment, which is by far the most comprehensive decision in this field of law. The author notes in the analysis that the difference between the English and Indian constitutional systems is of crucial significance. The conflicts between the judiciary and parliament in England arose because of the sovereignty of parliament, and the judiciary had to fight for every inch of its jurisdiction in England. The judiciary had to contend with Parliament not only as a legislative body, but also by virtue of being the ‘High Court of Parliament’, as a superior court. Because of these reasons, the case law from British constitutional history does not have strict applicability in India. The decision of the Supreme Court of India in Raja Ram Pal v The Hon’ble Speaker, Lok Sabha, & Ors, is a clear expression of a very basic feature of the Indian constitutional mechanism: where the Constitution is the supreme law of the land, and all governmental organs, which owe their origin to the Constitution and derive their powers from its provisions, must function within its framework.

Privilege Committee cannot violate Principles of Natural Justice, SC quashes TN Assembly Resolution suspending DMDK MLAs for Breach of Privilege...



A two Judge Bench of Supreme Court Today quashed a resolution passed by Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly suspending DMDK MLAs for breach of privilege. The Bench comprising of Justices J.Chelameswar and Abhay Manohar Sapre has held that while taking action against the MLAs the requirement of article 14 were not complied with.



ConclusionThere is a clear demarcation as to what all rights and privileges are absolute and what are not. For example, in India Legislative Assemblies and Parliament never discharge any judicial function and their historical and constitutional background does not support their claim to be regarded as courts of record in any sense. No immunity from scrutiny by courts of general warrants issued by House in India can therefore be claimed. Both the Parliament and State Legislatures have a duty to look carefully before making any law, so that it doesn't harm other rights. It is also a duty of the members to properly use these privileges and not misuse them for alternate purposes that is not in the favour of general interest of nation and public at large. Thus what we must keep in mind is the fact that? Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. For this not to happen under the privileges granted, the public and the other governing body should always be on vigil.

References

V.N Sukla Indian constitution

JN Panday constitution of india

Shodhganga


legal service of india

rajyesabha tv

The hindu

Bare act of constitution

Morley minto reforms act.



Collection by:

Mr Neeraj Sharma,

Asstt Professor,

Global College of Law

Ghaziabad .

Monday, August 20, 2018




LEGAL EDUCATION WITH ITS WIDE  DIMENSIONS AT GLOBAL COLLEGE OF LAW, “NAAGLOK”, KUSHALIYA, DISTT GHAZIABAD NCR

Legal education, a significant Stream of higher education (UG and PG Courses) is well in place  in  Schedule VII- Concurrent List of the Constitution of India. Through Advocate’s Act 1961, the GOI has given mandate to the Bar Council of India (an apex body to regulate and monitor the legal study and the legal education centres in the form of colleges or Universities to maintain and regulate the standard of legal education. BCI is based with its HQ at 21, Rau’s Avenue Institutional Area, New Delhi and its State level Offices at centres where the  High courts of the respective states are located. HOWEVER, the J&K State does not have the state Bar Council  by now and the necessary functions are being looked into by the High Court of state. The opening of state Bar Council at Srinagar (JK) is in its preparations.

Thus, the BCI has taken responsibility to regulate and monitor the standard of legal education in India.

Degree Course in legal studies:

The BALLB is an integrated Degree Course of 05 Years whereas the LLB is a unitary Degree Course of 03 Years. To keep pace the BCI keeps making research as to how to make the legal study more student centric. As known, other professional and technical degree courses are available right after passing the XII Standard, whereas hitherto, for legal education it was available in the form of LLB (unitary degree Course) after passing Degree Course from a recognized University approved by UGC. To keep a match and compatibility, the BCI has come out on the same pedestal  for the students who passed their XII and desire to prosecute Degree Course in legal studies as  an integrated Degree Course of BALLB, BCOM LLB, BCA LLB, BBALLB of 05 Years.

Accordingly, the first NLU in Bangalore on test basis was opened in 1987. The test had evoked   good results and as such  certain  more number of  NLUs have been since  opened at various centres in India. Today there are 23 NLUs in Various States to facilitate students to avail themselves of opportunity to pursue their Integrated Degree Course of  05 Years. As such, almost all states have been covered with one NLU each and the remaining ones will be covered  in coming few years, opening a big scope for students gravitated towards LEGAL STUDIES.

As known, a melt down  in global economy from 2008 onwards and  India also without  exception  has  remained plunged into , the scope for job opportunities after doing technical degree courses like B Tech, management degree courses of PGDBM/MBA and other degree courses diminished immeasurably, consequently the gravitation of students towards legal study has increased multifold.

As such , Legal Education has steadily grown in India after Independence, but the growth has been exponential in the last three decades. This accelerated pace in the growth of legal education coincided with liberalisation of India’s economy and its increasing integration with a globalised world. Economic liberalisation since 1991 expanded the utility and scope of legal services in India’s economy, corporate sector and public policy. Growing globalisation as well as emergence of trans-national challenges like terrorism and climate change underlined the need for broader and international collaboration in legal research. To improve and coordinate national responses to them and to ensure the protection of states and individuals, countries had to boost investments and research in legal education. At the same time, one must not forget that the lawyer's task is ultimately concerned with justice and social welfare, as  

Max Radin said “any legal teaching that ignores justice has missed most of its point”.

The success, if any, of legal education can be largely attributed to what started as an experiment in 1987 with National Law School of India University (NLSIU) Bangalore. What started as the first ever 5-year integrated BALLB (H) programme has become a full-fledged story with as on date  23 National Law Universities (NLUs) set up in  different states and union territories. The 5-year LLB programme has now become the flagship and mainstream law programme today. However, with numerous other law colleges existing and many more coming up, there is a huge dearth of qualified faculty which needs to be re-assessed/ recalculated  by the respective universities in consultation with UGC/HECI/BCI to make the sufficient availability of faculty possible with some flexibility in norms  like teachers with LLM Degree in a particular ratio to be allowed to take forward the teaching in legal study centres.

The admissions to national law schools are currently governed by the Common Law Admission Test (CLAT). Admissions and legal education are, however, fraught with hiccups that require urgent attention. The huge proliferation of law colleges, the low level of funding and full-time staffing means that the ability of Indian law schools to undertake substantive research and scholarship was very limited. It is in these circumstances that certain  recent trends in legal education are required to be  discussed.

First is the imposition of an age limit (20 years) by the BCI to pursue law. In a landmark judgment in 2015, the Supreme Court of India scrapped the upper age limit (under Rule 28 of the Legal Education Rules, 2008) imposed by BCI for applicants of the Common Law Admission Test (CLAT) for admissions to state law colleges and universities, making it clear that no age limits can apply to aspirants seeking to study law in the country. However, in November 2016, the BCI restored Rule 28. The upper age limit prescribed under this Rule has again stayed by the Supreme Court in March this year, pending final hearing. Above all, the right to education should not be subordinate to any unavoidable reason like age, economic or social inhibitions.

Second is the changing attitude towards the teaching and curricula in law schools. Despite infrastructural limitations in most law schools, the best law schools in the country still manage to retain students of high calibre and intellect. The quality of the teaching, range of courses and research is top notch. This is further evidenced by the opportunities available for the students of these institutions after graduation; LLMs and PhDs from the best universities in the world, placements in the top firms in India and abroad, and even non law based opportunities. In fact, the most important advantage of a law degree is that  it opens unbound number of  career options available to students   after graduation in law.

Third is as to how to stem attrition (dropping rate ). The  professional degree Courses are  opted by students to build their distinguished career and obviously to make it a respectful earning game to support their own  family and to contribute to society in their capacity. Government of India is expected to connect the legal study with employment opportunities which will make students understand that once they are graduate in  degree course of law with the required score will not sit idle but be employed to earn their game of life and to deliver to society as well.

How to choose the right law school.

The unavoidable question, an aspiring law student will have to answer is what considerations/parameters  should one weigh when picking a law school.

Any decision to select the right law school ought to rest primarily on three factors; the infrastructure available, quality of faculty and the opportunities upon graduation. Despite over 1200 law colleges in the country, very few legal institutions meet these criteria and the GLOBAL COLLEGE OF LAW(GCL) being an exclusive law college with In campus Hostel with all required amenities at NAAGLOK, Village Kushaliya, PO Dasna Hindan Nagar is one  of the top 10 progressive  law colleges in India.  The national law universities, a few private universities and counted number of  legal study centres(colleges)   including GCL are certainly great options for law aspirants. As regards the admission process, most national law universities admit students on the basis of Common Law Admission Test (CLAT). National Law University in Delhi conducts its own exam AILET to admit students. CLAT & AILET remain the most important and competitive law entrance exams in the country. Admission to GCL  is made on the basis of its own entrance Test GCET with preference to CLAT Score Card and norms decided by CCS University Meerut apropos BCI regulations.

Other leading and progressive private law schools across the country like Global College of Law in Ghaziabad (an exclusive law college with in campus hostel), Symbiosis Law School in Pune (also campuses in Noida & Hyderabad), Christ in Bangalore, KIIT in Bhubaneswar, Nirma in Ahmedabad and Amity in Delhi/Noida have also become preferred destinations for legal education for students from across the country. Most of them conduct their own entrance exams like GCETof Global College of Law , SET of Symbiosis or admit on the basis of University merit List with preference to CLAT Score Card.

Why to opt for Global College of Law:

Two decades ago we used to talk about 3Rs – read, write and arithmetic. In the last decade we started talking about Computer Literacy and all students were expected to be computer friendly. Now we are talking of Digital Literacy OR Digitisation. Here at Global College of Law, a full-fledged Computer Lab  for the purpose is in place  where we teach about digi-techs  and also about soft skills with manual teaching support as to how to pronounce words, appropriate grammar, parsing,  construct good sentences to make writings (Pleadings and various other applications )effective.

How to record your own work to flash on social media, BLOGS and YOUTUBE, is   empirically taught and it is supported by  distinguished teachers in GCL .In GCL  a full-fledged laboratory supported by  technical staff  for the purpose is available for students.

Emphasis on English Language of Global Standards: Honestly it is observed that students in general, need emphasis on their knowledge of English Language. Surprisingly the District Courts in Norther India including NCR  are in dearth of Advocates who plead/argue  in English Language. It must be known that quality literature and books of Law are  available  in English language only. Therefore to know law rightly the knowledge of English language with all 03 skills-reading, writing and speaking is required. Here in GCL we are well equipped with quality Text Books, Qualified teachers and above all the milieu for the propose.

In the back drop of globalization, internationalization and privatization the scope for legal education with English medium has increased  unbound. To match  with, the students are expected to take right decision while selecting college for legal study.

Extra version of Law - Jurisprudence:  Curricula, just  syllabus centric is taught in colleges but here in GCL having realized the increasing scope for extra version of jurisprudence, various areas of jurisprudence are on research like Medical Jurisprudence and Poverty Jurisprudence . We have a full fledged laboratory  in place for the purpose which helps students to use their research skills to evolve for the study. It must be known to all that an advocate is expected to know sociology, economics, engineering, medical science and many more  area as  proved by the in-depth study of  Advocates in the matter of Aarushi Murder Case  where Police or CBI failed and the file was going to be wrapped for ever but learned advocates studied the cases afresh through their unparallel skills and the Courts had to give hearing for continuing trial. This is one way where the GCL has made an attempt to streamline the medical Jurisprudence as a  lively lab.

An exclusive Law College with Incampus Hostel: GCL is unparallel in this area. It is operating on standards of NLUs where students are given all opportunities to interact with various visiting faculties and  as a result the score card of students of BALLB has been matchless. It is also proposed to make it more lively and friendly- Reading with playing and Playing with reading in its   sprawling lush green campus in its   pristine beauty.

To conclude, the law course, be it the five year integrated LLB programme or the three year Unitary LLB programme is a great academic experience. Upon completion, the student has varied skills that gives him or her set or temper to pursue numerous career options. Law is intrinsically connected to society, and its transformational impact on society can never be over rated.





Emerging specialisations and popular courses

The governing regulations of the BCI mandate that every law student must undertake a minimum number of mandatory courses – thereby ensuring that each student has a basic understanding of the subject. In addition to these mandatory courses, the student can undertake credit based electives and specialisations. Students are required to research and evaluate what kind of programme or elective is right for them. Apart from the traditional branches such as civil, criminal, corporate, taxation and labour and trade, there are new areas such as Banking, human rights, gender, cyber law, intellectual property law, arbitration, international law, space law and sports law that a student can specialise in. GCL is well equipped in cyber Law, Competition, Company, Arbitration and Public Laws.

A person with a background in legal education can, in addition to practicing law, also seeks career opportunities in other spheres. One of the advantages of a law degree is that there are many career options available to a lawyer after graduation. A student may consider a career in litigation, law firms, corporates, human rights, the NGO sector, public policy, UPSC, the UN, journalism and the like. Legal institutions capitalise on these advantages and help students diversify their career options after law school.

What to expect as a student…

The law school curriculum is structured in a way that exposes the student to many facets of the law. However, one notices that the moment a student joins law school, he or she is focused on joining a Judiciary Services , UPSC Services, Bank services, Corporates, Practicing in Courts   or the like. While it is good to be ambitious and have a plan, the student must not shut out his or her options. It is beneficial to be exposed to different areas of the law and then make a decision on what line to pursue including the above.

At the same time, a tenure at law school specially at Global College of Law can be an exhilarating experience. It is a time to make amazing friends, share different experiences of class study/Mooting/ field work (Legal Aid Clinic, Thana Visit, Tehsil Visit, Jail Visit, Court Visit) and to learn from one another. The social and the academic experience complement each other.

To conclude, the law course, be it the five year integrated BA LLB  or the three  year unitary LLB programme is a great academic experience. Upon completion, the student has possess varied skills that gives him or her  set or temper to pursue numerous career options. Law is intrinsically connected to society, and its transformational impact on society can never be over rated. Law for all through EXHAUSTIVE FIELD and  CLASS WORK with mobile legal aid clinic is the USP of GCL.

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